Iranian presidential elections ['stolen' election]

[Rasputin]

Former president Mohammad Khatami, who for two terms led failed attempts to give Iranians more legal freedoms and end Iran's international isolation, has decided to run in upcoming elections, aides, political allies and family members said Tuesday.

The move will pit Khatami against President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in an electoral battle whose outcome could alter the country's domestic and foreign agendas.

"He has agreed to become a candidate," Mohammad Reza Khatami, the former president's younger brother, told The Washington Post. "He sees the difficulties ahead, but the pressure from several groups for him to run was too big for him to decline."

Mohammad Atrianfar, an official during Khatami's 1997-2005 tenure, said Tuesday that Khatami would announce his candidacy "in the coming week."

While President Obama has promised "direct, tough diplomacy" with Iran, several analysts have suggested the administration wait until after the elections, set for June 12.

"This will be a full-fledged confrontation between totalitarians and reformists," Atrianfar said of the political strains represented by Ahmadinejad and Khatami. He said the matchup would lead to the "most interesting and sensitive elections of the past three decades."

Khatami, a mid-level cleric, was the surprise winner of the 1997 elections. After a grass-roots campaign that took him by bus through the country, he was swept into office largely on the strength of votes from young people and women.

His victory widened a rift between the judiciary, the country's Revolutionary Guard Corps and the appointed clerical councils on the one hand and parliament and the government on the other.

The factions were divided on the question of whether to alter the Islamic system or stick with the status quo. As the debate played out, political newspapers were founded and closed, students demonstrated, and dozens of activists, politicians and journalists were arrested. The polarization ended when Ahmadinejad's election in 2005 sealed a gradual political takeover by groups opposing change.

Ahmadinejad's supporters have intensified their political attacks on Khatami, who currently heads the Tehran-based International Institute for Dialogue Among Cultures and Civilizations and is often invited to give speeches abroad. On Sunday, lawmaker and Ahmadinejad ally Hamid Rasaee gave a speech in which he called Khatami a hypocrite, almost triggering a fistfight.

"They are very, very worried, because now that Khatami is running, their chances of winning the election have diminished," Mostafa Hadji, minister of education under Khatami, said of Ahmadinejad's supporters.

The Iranian news media have speculated for months on the likelihood of a Khatami candidacy. According to his aides, Khatami had been hoping that Mir-Hossein Mousavi, a former prime minister he holds in high regard, would represent his faction. They suggested that he could still withdraw from the race if Mousavi changed his mind.

While there are no independent opinion polls in Iran, Ahmadinejad can probably count on support in rural areas, which he and his cabinet visited regularly and where he initiated job-creation projects.

Many of Iran's 44 million eligible voters also appear to identify more with Ahmadinejad, with his down-to-earth rhetoric and modest dress, than with Khatami and his string of foreign honorary doctorates.

"It is too soon too predict the outcome," said Amir Mohebbian, a political strategist. But he added: "If Khatami wins, we could see profound changes in Iran's foreign and domestic policies. If Ahmadinejad gets the most votes, things will stay the same."

رييس جمهور محبوب شما در انتخابات 22 خرداد 1388 کيست؟

محمود احمدي *نژاد

محمد باقر قاليباف

مير حسين موسوي

عبدالله نوري

علي لاريجاني

اكبر اعلمي

عباس اميرانتظام

مهدي كروبي

عطاالله مهاجراني

حداد عادل

معصومه ابتکار

فائزه هاشمي

علي اکبر ولايتي

حسن روحاني

ابراهيم يزدي

قاسم شعله سعدي

احمد توكلي

مصطفي پورمحمدي

محسن رضايي

[Rasputin]

Iran's former reformist president, Mohammad Khatami, has given his strongest hint yet that he is prepared to run in the presidential election in June.

Khatami reportedly told supporters recently that "people have expectations from us and, in view of society's expectations and my own respect for people, naturally I have to fulfill my promises to them and announce my readiness to be present [in the elections]."

Fatemeh Haghighatjoo, a former reformist legislator who is currently a visiting scholar at the Center for Women in Politics and Public Policy at the McCormack Graduate School of Policy Studies, University of Massachusetts, Boston, is well-known for her outspokenness and human rights advocacy. She tells RFE/RL correspondent Golnaz Esfandiari that she's concerned about Khatami's weakness and also the fairness of the upcoming elections.

RFE/RL: After weeks of speculation, former President Mohammad Khatami has given his strongest signal that he is ready to run for president. What is your reaction?

Fatemeh Haghighatjoo: I am worried and my main concern is Khatami's weakness, which can be also described as Khatami's Achilles' heel. And that is, I think, his failure in standing by his plans.

For example, in the last years of his presidency, when he introduced the so-called twin bills -- the bill on presidential powers and the election law -- to the parliament, first he stood by it very strongly and said, 'this is my minimum,' but when the Guardians Council rejected those bills, he retreated and even gave up this minimal demand.

So during [Khatami's eight-year presidency from 1997 to 2005] we saw that he backed off and retreated even when it was not needed, damaging reformist goals. So now Khatami has to announce his stance on this and make it clear to what degree he's ready to retreat and how strongly will he stand by his programs and to what degree he will remain committed to his promises.

This is, I think, the most important issue regarding Khatami's [possible candidacy]. Another key issue is how will Khatami mobilize, for Iran's national interests, a wide spectrum of forces from those people who are in favor of structural reforms to those who are willing to keep the current structure.

RFE/RL: What do you think are the main issues Khatami and other candidates should focus on in the June election?

Haghighatjoo: One is the [fairness of the election] -- what plans the reformist groups that are planning to support Khatami have to make sure that the elections are healthy. I think this is much more important that a psychological war by the other side.

In general, candidates should avoid slogans and generality and they should announce their concrete programs on several issues. [Iran] is currently facing a domestic crisis and an international one. The domestic crisis includes the economic situation, [lack] of political freedoms, and a national rift. And regarding the international crisis, they should state what their plan is for working with the international community and how they want to approach the resumption of ties with the United States, which is a national demand.

RFE/RL: You just mentioned some of the key issues Iran faces -- including economic problems and international isolation -- and you also spoke about "Khatami's Achilles' heel." Why do you think that, despite these complicated issues, Khatami has apparently decided to run again, albeit reluctantly?

Haghighatjoo: The many deep crises Iran is facing is the reason. Due to the current government's mismanagement, the country is in such a situation that in recent years it has been on the verge of a war, the national rift has widened, and the main concern of Iran's intelligence minister is a velvet revolution, or colored revolution. This results in a closing of society's political atmosphere more than before. Khatami has felt that his presence [in the election] could help lessen the crisis.

RFE/RL: But some reformist or religious-nationalist figures have warned Khatami not to run in the June election, telling him that Iran is in such bad shape that there is nothing he can do to improve things.

Haghighatjoo: This is a legitimate concern because the past eight years showed that some [state bodies] will not cooperate and it's not good for state forces to challenge each other. That's exactly why I raised the second issue [regarding how Khatami will mobilize forces inside the country]. During his candidacy Khatami has to answer these questions clearly and transparently.

RFE/RL: How popular do you think Khatami is today?

Haghighatjoo: We can at least say that Khatami is more popular than [President] Mahmud Ahmadinejad. The fact that large segments of different groups have welcomed his [possible] candidacy demonstrates his popularity. This is actually Khatami's strength, but the question is how will he use this strength to counter his weaknesses.

RFE/RL: How do you think the hard-liners would react to a possible Khatami candidacy?

Haghighatjoo: They're certainly upset and they're definitely making plans to ensure that Ahmadinejad is the winner. Unfortunately, despite the fact that they call themselves "principlists" they're not committed to any principles and they would use any means to [reach their goals]. They will use unlawful means, so the most important issue is the health of the election, different groups must have plans to ensure the election is fair.

RFE/RL. Where do you think Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei stands?

Haghighatjoo: I am not in a position to speak for the leader; he should state his position transparently and clearly. According to Iran's constitution, the leader should remain impartial in regard to [election] candidates, but while [Khamenei] should demonstrate this impartiality in his actions, he should encourage -- more than that, he should monitor -- bodies such as the Guardians Council and the Interior Ministry to ensure that elections are [free and fair].

I hold Ayatollah Khamenei responsible for the health of the elections. If the elections are not held in a free manner, then Khamenei should answer for any fraud similar to that witnessed extensively in past elections.

[Rasputin]

A victory by Muhammad Khatami in the upcoming Iranian presidential elections would likely derail international efforts to stop Iran's race toward nuclear power, a top Israeli defense official involved in those efforts has told The Jerusalem Post.

Earlier this week, Khatami, who held the presidency from 1997 to 2005, was reported to be seriously considering running in the June elections. Khatami is a popular leader in the reformist camp and has been a vocal critic of incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Despite Khatami's popularity and Ahmadinejad's economic policy failures, the battle for the office is far from over. The reformist camp in Iran is divided among a number of factions. One of them is led by former parliament speaker Mehdi Karoubi, chairman of the Etemad-e-Meli (National Confidence) party, who has also declared his bid for the presidency.

But the Israeli official warned that if Khatami won, he would likely succeed in reducing the level of international pressure on Iran to stop its enrichment of uranium and pursuit of nuclear capability.

"People tend to forget that Khatami as president also promoted the nuclear program," the official said. "If he wins, he would succeed in laundering the program in the eyes of the international community. In comparison to Ahmadinejad, he appears more moderate."

[Rasputin]

For the first time in many years, Iranians will turn away from the geopolitics which have dominated discourse since the Islamic revolution in 1979 and focus instead on the state of their economy.

In 1979, with the overthrow of the Shah and rise of the Ayatollahs still fresh in their memories, Iranians could not have imagined that a year later they would be locked in a bitter war with Iraq.

In the 1990s, Iran was part of the US administration's dual-containment policy and then became branded as a member of the axis of evil. After 9/11 Iran dominated world headlines as its nuclear programme became the springboard for all discussion on the Islamic republic.

However, as Iranians mark the 30th anniversary of the Islamic revolution, politics will be overshadowed by economic hardships which have arisen partly due to plummeting oil prices and the world banking crisis.

Iran under sanctions


Economy will overshadow the nuclear programme as an issue this year [GETTY]
In 2008, the UN Security Council passed two more resolutions on Iran's nuclear programme and international sanctions, bringing to five the total number of resolutions since the standoff with the West started.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Iranian president, remained defiant and said: "Issue as many resolutions as you want. Pass [and collect] resolutions until your 'resolution pouch' bursts."

Iran's Atomic Energy Organisation announced that it was planning to install 6,000 centrifuge machines to double its uranium-enriching capacity from the previous year.

While sanctions failed to coerce Tehran into curbing its nuclear programme they did, however, shield Iran's economy from the global economic recession - momentarily.

Nearly five years of record-high oil prices helped Iran's government increase public spending in an effort to protect the local economy from the global financial meltdown.

However, this policy was strongly criticised by many economists who warned about rising inflation and called for more economic discipline and less spending.

Controversial economic plans

In spite of the warnings, Ahmadinejad pressed on with his controversial economic plans, which included forcing banks to lower their interest rates and offer cheap loans to small businesses.

This led to a high-level resignation in the government's economic team.

Tahmasb Mazaheri, the governor of the Central Bank of Iran (CBI), who had successfully controlled the spiraling liquidity growth by tightening the grip on credit loans to government banks, resigned in September.

He had been in office for about a year and his resignation inflamed the already existing economic differences among the conservatives in power.

The conservatives, who had always praised Ahmadinejad's achievement on the international scene and his ability to march the masses against world powers' will to scupper Iran's nuclear ambitions, distanced themselves from his economic plans.

Ahmadinejad has become increasingly alone in his economic battle.

Parliamentary elections


Ali Larijani is one of the most vocal critic of Ahmadinejad's economic polisies [EPA]
In 2008, Iran held its eighth parliamentary elections since the Islamic revolution in 1979.

Reformists dominated the parliament between 2000 and 2004, but they were defeated by conservatives as many of their potential candidates were disqualified by the conservative Guardians Council, a 12-member constitutional watchdog.

It accused reformists of trying to "deconstruct" the Islamic government and roll back the ideals of the revolution.

Second-ranking reformist candidates failed to secure even a third of the 290-seat parliament.

However, despite winning parliament's majority for another four years, defections within the conservative camp left few reasons for celebration.

The new parliamentarians soon proved that they were not going to follow in the footsteps of the elders who had been at the heart of the revolution.

Damaging economic policies

The defections posed a challenge to Ahmadinejad who had enjoyed nearly unconditional support and was almost unquestioned when it came to his economic policies.

After the elections, many of the conservative MPs said his economic policies were damaging. This brought the critics closer to their reformist rivals and resulted in the election of Ali Larijani, Iran's former chief nuclear negotiator, as parliament's new speaker.

Larijani resigned from his position as nuclear chief over differences with Ahmadinejad in how to manage the country's longstanding nuclear row with the West.

Though he had never openly criticised Ahmadinejad, his resignation signaled the emergence of a more moderate conservative faction.

Showdown


Parliamentarians: Ahmadinejad is damaging Iran's legacy of conservatism [REUTERS]
On November 4, the Iranian parliament fired off the opening salvo of its confrontation with Ahmadinejad when it impeached and sacked his interior minister.

Ali Kordan, who was appointed only 90 days prior to his impeachment, was unanimously voted off his post because he had presented a fake degree from Oxford University to obtain parliamentary confirmation.

Legislators called him a disgrace to Iranian conservatism.

The parliament approved Ahmadinejad's next candidate for the post, his close ally Sadeq Mahsouli, in a display of unity with the government but the rift was beginning to shake legislators' confidence that the country was headed in the right direction.

Ahmadinejad is hoping parliament will pass an "economic revolution" plan which he hopes will eliminate most government subsidies and replace them with $40-70 cash payments per person per month.

A reformist newspaper has recently revealed that this plan is in fact a copy of the World Bank recommendation to save Iran's oil income for much needed development plans.

Few options

Though it may sound odd for a government that has constantly criticised World Bank policies, the government may not have much choice.

Oil prices that had sky rocketed to over $140 in July, are now below $50.

Saeed Leylaz, an economic analyst and vocal critic of Ahmadinejad's monetary policies, has said that the government now faces a deficit of $100 million a day.

The government is being forced to cut expenses including the $90 billion annually spent on subsidies.

Other experts believe the "economic revolution plan" will increase inflation at least in the interim; Larijani has said that parliament will stop any plan, bill or measure that fuels inflation.

Confrontation

The rift between conservatives in the parliament and those in the government is expected to widen in the coming year.

Ahmadinejad's critics say his economic revolution plan is merely a populist scheme to buy votes ahead of presidential elections on June 12. He has repeatedly denied the charge, saying this plan would only cost him his popularity.

Ironically, the plunge in oil prices may bring the nuclear issue back to the fore. Deprived of a major part of its income, Iran cannot afford to remain isolated from the rest of the world.

The government may feel forced to return to the negotiating table with world powers.

That, in turn, may cost the government dearly ahead of the election.

Ahmadinejad, who came to power with promises of improving the lives of the poor and maintained his popularity by defying world powers in Iran's nucelar stand-off with the West, faces the risk of losing on both fronts.

His economic revolution plan might be a way out. The impact of the economic plan on Ahmadinejad's popularity remains to be seen, but there is little doubt that his position among his conservative allies has waned since he won office in 2005.

[Rasputin]

رقابت برای انتخابات ریاست جمهوری تیتر اول چند روزنامه است و از جمله آفتاب یزد از زبان محمد خاتمی نوشته *شیطنت های موجود بر همراهی من و کروبی تاثیری نمی*گذارد یا حیات نو که از آمادگی خاتمی برای حضور در انتخابات خبر داده است اما در همین حال روزنامه جوان از ترافیک عبور در اردوگاه دوم خرداد خبر داده و صدای عدالت هم از زبان آقای خاتمی در تیتر اول خود نوشته برای حضور در انتخابات اعلام آمادگی می کنم.

[siamak]

Now that the recent election in the US is over with, there is another important election on the horizon. Namely the election of the next President of Iran.

Once again this coming June 12th (oddly enough George Bush Sr's birthday), Iranians are forced to once again contemplate their unwinnable dilemma of staying away from the polls, or voting. Staying away seems unpatriotic. But voting means having to pick the lesser of 2 equally evil choices, courtesy of the all knowing and all seeing and all self involving theocratic dictatorship that really runs all of Iran's affairs from behind those scantily see-through s***ts of the mollahs.

In the last election, Ahmadinejad played his hand perfectly, fooling everyone into thinking he was a simple civil engineer, and therefore a reformer. In one campaign interview on TV, he said, "What business is it of the government to control what music people listen to, or what kinds of clothes people should wear?", implying he was going to get the government out of the morality business, and grant young Iranians, their God-given youth for a change. That and it suggested the briefest glimmer of freedom on the heels of a less then disappointing Khatami.

His opponent was none other than the revolution's original veteran mollah, and past president, Rafsanjani. His thinly veiled attempt at a coup, was more transparent than the latest design of mollah-wear, and the establishment wasn't being fooled for a minute. Rafsanjani had also in the past, consequently and quite clearly stated that if he ever got nuclear weapons, he would most certainly fire them at Israel. And so he funneled the substantial personal fortune he had been amassing through his family's monopoly over the Iranian pistachio market into his campaign. His wealth was now made even more substantial, thanks to Clinton's relaxing of the US embargo, and which now allowed pistachios to be exported to the US once again. Pistachios have a huge global ingredient market, used in baked goods, and as flavorings and other industrial food uses. And Iran makes some of the purest pistachios on the planet. But of course.

And all of this, the poser, and once-was valet of Ayatollah Khamenei the supreme leader, who became the once-was former mayor of Tehran, now reinvented and repackaged himself as a secular reformer, and the Buddha smiling mollah with a heart as his opponent, they both masked the far bigger lie. A far far bigger lie.

Few people know of the great swindle of Iran's constitution. Fewer than that, have actually read Iran's original constitution. And fewer than that it seems, including Condoleezza Rice, have bothered to read Iran's current constitution. No one other than Ganji apparently, has bothered to note the rather obvious changes in the constitution that funny enough, were put into place after Khomeini died. Changes that are now apparently sacrosanct. Cementedly horrifying sacrosanct.

The shocking changes to the constitution, have now firmly sealed Iran into a back alley of no return. The constitution cannot be amended or changed, because the previous constitutional amendment procedures which were pesky for the hardliners, were simply taken out. So it is illegal to change Iran's constitution. The wide ranging powers granted to the guardian council, who are made up entirely of mollahs, are protected with this very big poison pill. The only way to change Iran's constitution appears to be the unmentionable. And that is conveniently illegal too.

To counter Rafsanjani's rook to bishop attempt to gain favor and influence with like minded guardian council members, and with the obvious ultimate aim of unseating Khamenei and gaining Rafsanjani's own grip on the council, Khamenei put his substantial weight behind, and endorsed Ahmadinejad. Bishop takes rook, Ahamdinejad won the election. Checkmate. Rafsanjani, piss off to your pistachio farm.

After the election was over, the government officials that conducted the militia guarded election, counted the ballots, and surprise, surprise surprise, announced the glorious results. That an "overwhelming percentage" of Iranians had voted, adding that this percentage was coincidentally more than the percentage of US voters (So, Ha! Ha!), and that the results were undeniable. Almost holy in their divination of the next new shiny yet unshaven, scruffy, unwashed, and most importantly undeodorized, Iranian president.

Many people in Iran went to the polls just to get their Identification cards stamped. They placed their ballots in the box unmarked. It's survival, and they don't want to get hassled if their ID doesn't show the right stamps in it. Many people who did not go to vote, said privately and off the record, that they felt that the turnout at the polls appeared far lower than previous elections, certainly less than when Khatami ran, and that in many cases the polling stations were utterly empty. But that's always a problem, when you have a government that runs it's own election, counts it's own ballots, and then announces it's own results. Which is probably why Ahmadinejad and Iranian officials in general, never seem to stop compensating for their lack of credibility.

So this June, it rolls around again. The same charade. The same empty promise. The same feigned respect for a system that is ultimately rigged. Entirely and utterly in favor of the system. And it absolutely has to be rigged. And beautifully so. Because they know that the system of governance in place in Iran today, cannot stand up to the scrutiny of a free people. Or even God. Which is precisely why the votes are counted, and the results announced promptly by the government. As long as they think that they control the masses, they will continue to do so. When they see they no longer have control, they will put all their foolishness away. That's the way a bully operates. A bully stops being a bully only when the entire schoolyard stops being afraid. Even if just one snot-nosed kid fears him, he will continue to be a bully.

So not voting in this upcoming election, is actually a very good way to protest the rigged system of the bullies. Abstaining, is voting, it is a silent vote. It is a vote of no confidence. It doesn't mean you are raising your voice, or intend to do anything to play into their waiting hands. But by raising no voice, and not voting, Iranians can exercise a freedom they seem to forget that they have had all along. The freedom to ignore.

Even though they will most likely try to silence that too. I for one would love to see them try. How do you make free people stop ignoring you? How do you silence silence?

So let's all pledge that as Iranians, in or out of Iran, we will declare the 12th of June, Ignore the Bully Day. For one whole day, we will completely ignore them, and blank them out of our minds. Don't mention them. Don't think about them. Imagine they simply don't exist. And above all, don't fear them, and don't vote for them.

[ghalibaf]

mousavi stepped down, khatami will go for the election. il definetly vote for him. incase that doesnt work out il vote for ghalibaf.
but what iran needs now is the reformists. Honestly i dont understand why someone would vote for that ediot ahmadinejad.

[Dokhtar Bandari]

mousavi stepped down, khatami will go for the election. il definetly vote for him. incase that doesnt work out il vote for ghalibaf.
but what iran needs now is the reformists. Honestly i dont understand why someone would vote for that ediot ahmadinejad.

First time you have said something that partially makes sense. Better yet, lets have a whole new government. One that works for Iran and Iranian people.

[Rasputin]

[Rasputin]

[Rasputin]

با اعلام نامزدی محمد خاتمی برای رقابت در دهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری ماه ها تردید درباره آمدن یا نیامدن رییس جمهوری پیشین ایران پایان یافت.

علاوه بر او، مهدی کروبی، رییس پیشین مجلس، و دبیر کل حزب اعتماد ملی دیگر نامزد برجسته انتخابات است. آقای کروبی بارها اعلام کرده حاضر نیست به نفع آقای خاتمی کنار برود.

اگر چنین شود، آقای خاتمی و کروبی دو رقیب اصلی محمود احمدی نژاد در انتخابات بیست و دوم خرداد ۱۳۸۸ خواهند بود، هر چند آقای احمدی نژاد هنوز رسما ورود خود را اعلام نکرده است.

تحولات مربوط به دهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری ایران از اوایل مرداد سال جاری خورشیدی آغاز شده و در این گاهشمار به مهمترین آنها اشاره شده است. این گاهشمار همزمان با تازه ترین تحولات انتخابات ریاست جمهوری به روز می شود.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

اعلام زودهنگام زمان برگزاری انتخابات
سوم مرداد: عبدالله نوری، وزیر پیشین کشور، سکوت ده ساله خود را شکست و در جمع اعضای دفتر تحکیم وحدت، اصلاح طلبان را به شرکت در دهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری ترغیب کرد. این سخنان، رسانه های اصلاح طلب را به این گمانه زنی واداشت که احتمال نامزدی آقای نوری تقویت شده و در مقابل برخی تندروها او را تهدید کردند که چنین تصمیمی نگیرد.

هفتم مرداد: حسین شریعتمداری در سرمقاله کیهان نوشت که محمد خاتمی به دلیل عملکرد و دیدگاه هایش از صافی شورای نگهبان رد نخواهد شد. مدیر مسئول کیهان آقای خاتمی را گزینه مطلوب "دشمنان بیرونی" خواند. سرمقاله نویس کیهان احتمال تایید صلاحیت عبدالله نوری را نیز بسیار اندک پیش بینی کرد.


رئیس جمهوری فعلی ایران هنوز برای شرکت در انتخابات اعلام نظر نکرده است
دوم شهریور: آیت الله خامنه ای در دیدار با هیات دولت به رییس جمهوری و وزرا گفت که فکر نکنند این سال آخر دولت است، بلکه تصور کنند بناست پنج سال دیگر کار کنند.

یازدهم شهریور: نماینده رهبر ایران در سپاه پاسداران اعلام کرد تغییر دولت به مصلحت نیست. مجتبی ذوالنوری در جمع انصار حزب الله گفت: "دولت آقای احمدی نژاد کارهایی را شروع کرده که مصلحت و منفعت کشور ایجاب می کند که در یک دوره چهار ساله دیگر به نتیجه برسد و الان کار در مرحله ای نیست که تغییر دولت داشته باشیم و مصلحت این است که دولت عوض نشود."

هفدهم شهریور: وزارت کشور، بسیار زودتر از دوره های پیشین، اعلام کرد دهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری روز جمعه ۲۲ خرداد ۱۳۸۸ برگزار خواهد شد.

اعلام حضور اولین نامزد ریاست جمهوری
اول مهر: سید جلال الدین طاهری اصفهانی، امام جمعه مستعفی اصفهان گفت محمد خاتمی تصور نمی کند مردم خواستار حضورش در انتخابات باشند. آیت الله اصفهانی گفت آقای خاتمی در دیداری به وی گفته است: "اگر مردم بخواهند من حرفی برای آمدن ندارم ولی تاکنون این تقاضا را برای آمدن از سوی مردم احساس نکرده ام."

ششم مهر: کامران دانشجو، استاندار تهران، به عنوان معاون سیاسی وزارت کشور منصوب شد. او چهارمین معاون سیاسی این وزارتخانه در دولت نهم بعد از علیرضا افشار، مجتبی ثمره هاشمی و علی جنتی بود.


مهدی کروبی اعلام کرده است که برای دومین بار در رقابت های انتخابات ریاست جمهوری شرکت می کند
نهم مهر: علی کردان، وزیر کشور، جعلی بودن مدرک تحصیلی خود را تایید کرد. پیشتر دفتر محمود احمدی نژاد با وجود گزارشها رسانه ها درباره جعلی بودن این دکتری افتخاری اعلام کرده بود که تاییدیه مدرک را از دانشگاه آکسفورد دریافت کرده است. برخی از نمایندگان مجلس خواهان استعفای آقای کردان شده بودند.

سیزدهم مهر: محمد خاتمی برای نامزدی در انتخابات دو شرط گذاشت: تفاهم با ملت بر سر خواسته ها و امکان عملی شدن برنامه ها. او گفت: "اگر واقعاً امکان اجرای برنامه*ها وجود نداشته باشد و موانعی بر سر راه قرار گیرد، ارائه بهترین و کامل*ترین برنامه* به مردم نیز به منزله اغوا و فریب مردم است."

بیست و یکم مهر: پس از رایزنی های مفصل، مهدی کروبی، دبیرکل حزب اعتماد ملی، نامزدی خود را برای انتخابات ریاست جمهوری اعلام کرد. آقای کروبی اولویتهای خود را اقتصاد، گسترش آزادیهای اجتماعی و تنش زدایی از روابط بین الملل عنوان کرد. وی گفت: "تلاش می کنم با حرفهای بیهوده برای کشور دشمن سازی نکنم."

بیست و دوم مهر: محمد خاتمی در همایش "دین در دنیای معاصر" میزبان دهها تن از رهبران پیشین جهان از جمله کوفی عنان، دبیر کل سابق سازمان ملل و رومانو پرودی، نخست وزیر پیشین ایتالیا بود. با این حال آقای خاتمی ارتباط این کنفرانس با فعالیتهای انتخاباتی را رد کرد.

بیست و پنجم مهر: اولین کنگره سراسری حزب اعتماد ملی برگزار شد.

آغاز به کار سومین وزیر کشور کابینه احمدی نژاد
اول آبان: مهدی کروبی یکبار دیگر به دبیرکلی حزب اعتماد ملی برگزیده شد. آقای کروبی تاکید کرد به نفع هیچ نامزدی از گردونه رقابت کنار نخواهد رفت، حتی اگر او محمد خاتمی باشد. این در حالی است که اصلاح طلبان می گفتند آقای کروبی به رای شورای حکمیت تن خواهد داد.

هشتم آبان: آیت الله خامنه ای اعلام کرد تبلیغات زودهنگام انتخاباتی به صلاح کشور نیست، چرا که ذهنها را از مسائل اصلی منحرف می کند و موجب بدگویی می شود.

نهم آبان: احمد جنتی، دبیر شورای نگهبان اعضای هیات مرکزی نظارت به انتخابات ریاست جمهوری را به وزارت کشور اعلام کرد. این فهرست هفت نفره عبارتست از: احمد جنتی، محمدرضا علیزاده، عباس کعبی، محمدرضا میرشمسی، عباسعلی کدخدایی، احمد سالک و فضل الله موسوی.

بیست و هشتم آبان: بعد از رای عدم اعتماد به علی کردان بخاطر رسوایی مدرک تحصیلی جعلی، صادق محصولی از مجلس برای وزارت کشور رای اعتماد گرفت. برخی از نمایندگان می گفتند آقای محصولی به دلیل فعالیت در ستاد انتخاباتی محمود احمدی نژاد نمی تواند انتخابات ریاست جمهوری را بی طرفانه برگزار کند ولی محمود احمدی نژاد اطمینان داد خدشه ای به این رای گیری وارد نخواهد شد.

رد اصلاحیه قانون انتخابات ریاست جمهوری
چهارم آذر: برخی رسانه های ایران گزارش دادند محمد باقر قالیباف، شهردار تهران، خود را نامزد شرکت در انتخابات ریاست جمهوری کرده است. وی در نهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری نیز نامزد شده بود.

ششم آذر: حسین طائب، فرمانده بسیج، اعلام کرد نیروهایش بصورت سازمانی در انتخابات شرکت نخواهند کرد.

پانزدهم آذر: حزب مشارکت، محمد خاتمی را به عنوان نامزد خود در دهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری معرفی کرد. محسن میردامادی، دبیرکل این حزب، گفت: "دیگر منتظر اعلام آقای خاتمی برای آمدن نیستیم و از نظر ما ایشان وارد عرصه انتخابات شده اند."

شانزدهم آذر: شورای نگهبان اصلاحیه قانون انتخابات ریاست جمهوری از جمله شرط محدودیت سنی و تعریف رجل سیاسی را رد کرد.


رئیس جمهوری پیشین ایران تصمیم دارد برای سومین بار در انتخابات ریاست جمهوری نامزد شود
بیستم آذر: ضرب الاجل مهدی کروبی برای حضور سایر نامزدهای اصلاح طلب در انتخابات ریاست جمهوری بدون اعلام نامزدی محمد خاتمی گذشت. آقای کروبی گفته بود بعد از این تاریخ، دیگر نظر شورای حکمیت درباره انتخاب نامزد واحد برای اصلاح طلبان را نمی پذیرد.

بیست و سوم آذر: اصلاح طلبان در همایش "نفت، توسعه و دموکراسی" دولت نهم را به هدر دادن درآمدهای نفتی متهم کردند. این اتهامات واکنش تند حامیان دولت را دربرداشت.

بیست و چهارم آذر: آیت الله خامنه ای با سخنرانی در دانشگاه علم و صنعت نسبت به خطر به قدرت رسیدن "شاه حسین های صفوی" هشدار داد. برخی ناظران این سخنان را هشدار درباره رای دادن به نامزدهای اصلاح طلب تفسیر کردند.

بیست و پنجم آذر: محمد خاتمی در نطقی در دانشگاه تهران گفت که تردیدش برای شرکت در انتخابات نه از روی عافیت طلبی بلکه درباره کارآمدی نامزدی اش است. او همچنین به انتقاد از عملکرد دولت نهم پرداخت و گفت: "در زمان من فقر و فساد و اشتغال بود و در رسانه*های ملی و در دستگاه*های مختلف تبلیغات می *کردند اما امروز الحمدلله همه جا گل و بلبل است."

جدل لفظی سیاستمداران و نظامیان

چهاردهم دی: غلامحسین کرباسچی، دبیر کل حزب کارگزاران، در گفتگو با روزنامه اعتماد ملی، ارگان مهدی کروبی، شدیدا از محمد خاتمی بخاطر تعلل در اعلام نامزدی انتقاد کرد. آقای کرباسچی گفت: "من کاری ندارم که چرا ایشان تردید دارد یا این تردید*ها چقدر جدی است. حرف من این است که اصلا* این نوع سیاست*ورزی، قابل قبول جهان مدرن نیست."

بیست و سوم دی: محمد خاتمی گفت که یا او یا میرحسین موسوی، آخرین نخست وزیر ایران، در انتخابات ریاست جمهوری نامزد خواهد شد.

هشتم بهمن: مهدی کروبی در نامه ای به سخنان سرلشکر حسن فیروزآبادی، رییس ستاد کل نیروهای مسلح ایران، درباره این که ریاست جمهوری "مناسب افراد بازنشسته و خیلی مسن نیست"، حمله کرد.

آقای کروبی با اشاره به چاقی آقای فیروزآبادی نوشت: "آیا ظواهر و بعضى سخنان حضرتعالى مطابق استانداردهاى ضرورى براى احراز یکى از عالى ترین جایگاه هاى نظامى کشور- از جمله بى طرفى در مسائل سیاسى و چابکى و تحرک - مى باشد؟" آقای فیروزآبادی در پاسخ به این نامه نوشت که قصد دخالت در انتخابات را ندارد و تنها از مردم خواسته است به کسی رای دهند که توانایی وظایف دشوار ریاست جمهوری را داشته باشد.

نوزدهم بهمن: وزیر کشور ایران اعلام کرد چون انتخابات ریاست جمهوری "پیچیدگی کمتری" دارد، شمارش آراء با دست صورت خواهد گرفت.

بیستم بهمن: محمد خاتمی سرانجام نامزدی خود برای دهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری اعلام کرد. او در جریان افتتاح وب سایت مجمع روحانیون مبارز گفت که بر خلافها گزارشها، از ابتدا هیچ تردیدی برای نامزدی نداشته است.

[truthteller]

I second that Enough of these arab-worshippers stuck in the 14th century !

Better yet, lets have a whole new government. One that works for Iran and Iranian people.

[DokhtarIrooni]

First time you have said something that partially makes sense. Better yet, lets have a whole new government. One that works for Iran and Iranian people.

Az vaghti ke in akhoonda umadan iran kharab shod, govermente jadidam biyad hala halaha dorost nemishe. Agaram yeho democracy beshe tu iran khoob nist, chon 30 saale mardom ba in vaz zendegi kardan, age hamechi avaz beshe melat ghati mikone. Iran needs alot of work, so i hope the future president can handle it

[abadani69]

Natarsiddd,iran dorost mishe, i had a talk with Khamenei when i was in Iran, gharare Redwine ke duste samimi e khameneie beshe Presidente iran

Az vaghti ke in akhoonda umadan iran kharab shod, govermente jadidam biyad hala halaha dorost nemishe. Agaram yeho democracy beshe tu iran khoob nist, chon 30 saale mardom ba in vaz zendegi kardan, age hamechi avaz beshe melat ghati mikone. Iran needs alot of work, so i hope the future president can handle it

[DokhtarIrooni]

looooool arman be ahmaghinjad ray dade emrooz tu television didamesh bekhoda eyne samad agha harf mizad